Pakistan faces a crisis of unknown magnitude which is not likely to be eased whatever the outcome of Mr. Bhutto’s appeal to the Supreme Court against the sentence of death passed on him by the Lahore High Court. On the contrary, the crisis is bound to worsen in case by some chance the Supreme Court allows the appeal. For, that will weaken further whatever moral authority the present military regime still might possess and encourage Mr. Bhutto’s followers to defy it and try to overthrow it. On a superficial view there will be no change in the situation if the court confirms the conviction and the sentence. But in reality it will. For one thing, that can increase the support for Mr. Bhutto and make his supporters more desperate. For another, General Zia-ul-Haq will have to decide without much further delay whether or not to accede to the appeals from all over the world, especially from Muslim countries and governments, to spare his life. Needless to add, the decision will not be easy. If the General ignores the appeal, he runs the risk of not only alienating friendly governments, some of which extend considerable aid to Pakistan, but also of making a martyr of Mr. Bhutto. If on the other hand, he accedes to the numerous appeals, he will be keeping a dangerous opponent alive. Also, while he will find it virtually impossible to keep Mr. Bhutto in jail at home, he cannot be eager to send him abroad because there the former prime minister can become a centre of disaffection and intrigue against the regime. And how will the General grant reprieve if Mr. Bhutto refuses to appeal to the country’s nominal President?
In such a situation, it is not easy for well-meaning Pakistanis or well-wishers of that country to suggest a way out. The country is in for a prolonged period of uncertainty and worse, however carefully its present rulers may handle the Bhutto problem. But it is self-evident that General Zia-ul- Haq and his military colleagues are not solely responsible either for the coup of July 5, 1977, or for the decision to arrest Mr. Bhutto and try him on the charge of murder. The opposition leaders created conditions for the coup, egged on the General to try Mr. Bhutto on the numerous charges against him and implicitly supported his decision to postpone the elections till the conclusion of the former Prime Minister’s trial. They cannot, therefore, in fairness evade their share of responsibility for the present situation and refuse to form a “national” government unless the elections are held. They owe it to themselves and their country to do all they can to defuse the crisis. They will doubtless be taking serious risks if they agree to join a “national” government. But they cannot sit idly by as the crisis worsens. Pakistan needs an immediate disengagement between the ruling military junta and Mr. Bhutto’s supporters which hopefully the establishment of a civilian government followed by General Haq’s voluntary retirement from the army may produce. There is no guarantee that either the General or Mr. Bhutto’s legion can be persuaded to oblige. But Pakistanis of standing and goodwill must make the attempt.