Mr. Charan Singh has good reasons to be desperate. Among the top leaders he has drawn the smallest crowds wherever he has gone in recent weeks. His Congress (U) partner is finding the cross of his leadership too heavy to bear and may well wish to seek respite from it. In his own Lok Dal, Mr. Raj Narain and some other former socialists are believed to be getting restive. That may be partly why he has thought of the dangerous expedient of making reservations for the so-called backward castes in Central services. For, he can thereby hope to consolidate his leadership of the middle caste alliance which he has been trying to build for years. This view appears credible, especially in view of the reports which suggest that the alliance is in trouble because he is not able to give “proper” representation to all the castes in it in the selection of the party nominees for the forthcoming election to the Lok Sabha. But the possible consequences of the proposed reservations in Central services are so dangerous that the move would have been unworthy of anyone in the office of prime minister even if he was guided solely by electoral considerations. For, it will not only bring down the quality of Central services to a dangerous extent but also make irresistible the growing demand by the Muslims for a similar reservation for them. Which in turn can provoke irrational fears and a fierce backlash among the Hindus. But it is possible, if not probable, that the caretaker Prime Minister is so parochial in his outlook that he sincerely believes in the desirability of reservations for the castes which he has been struggling to bring into his alliance system. He may not even be aware of the risks involved. And if he is, he is apparently willing to disregard these in order to place the interests of the favoured castes above those of the nation. It is necessary to restrain such a man.
But who will restrain him? To be candid, the prospect is dismaying. In view of the nationalist past and credentials of the Congress (U), the Indian people could have justifiably expected it to play such a role. But its leadership such as it is has let them down. It has been party to two ordinances – one totally banning all contributions by companies to political parties, including those in the form of advertisements at fair rates to souvenirs and pamphlets, and the other providing for detention without trial for alleged economic offenders – and it has acquiesced in Mr Charan Singh’s high-handedness in demanding and securing Mr HN Bahuguna’s resignation from the cabinet. In fact, that, too, is not all. Mr YB Chavan has, for example, studiously refused to protest against either Mr. Charan Singh’s and Mr. Raj Narain’s deliberate and repeated denigration of Mr. Nehru or the insults relatively junior members of the Lok Dal set-up have heaped on him. And going by reports the home minister has allowed himself to be bypassed on the question of the proposed reservations for “backward” castes. This leaves President Sanjiva Reddy as the only source of hope. But so far he, too, has gone along with the caretaker Prime Minister.
On August 22 when he dissolved the Lok Sabha and kept in office the present government, he gave a solemn assurance to the country that it would not take actions which “set new policy or involve new spending of a significant order or constitute major administrative executive decisions.” The government has violated this assurance in all its aspects. It has promulgated the above two ordinances which “set new policy” and “constitute major administrative executive decisions,” and it has agreed to pay what amounts to bonus to railwaymen which, whatever its merits and demerits, “involve new spending of a significant order.” He may or may not have taken the view that he is bound by the cabinet’s advice. But he has so far acted as if he takes such a view of his role. That makes it difficult to place our hopes in him in the present case. Even so it is pertinent to remind him of his obligations under the constitution which he is pledged to uphold. There is no accepted definition of “backward” castes, the Kalelkar Commission having failed to provide the list. The proposed reservations, to be meaningful, are almost certain to violate two judgements of the Supreme Court which hold that all reservations put together, including those for the scheduled castes and tribes must not, in the interest of administrative efficiency, exceed 50 per cent. The move can aggravate the already acute social tensions, inflame passions and provoke violence on a massive scale throughout the country. That will inevitably vitiate the electoral process. As it is, there is widespread apprehension that the poll this time will be far from peaceful and therefore far from being free and fair.
The Times of India, 17 November 1979