Even before the temporary takeover of the Golden Temple by extremists on Monday, it was obvious that the chapter which opened in the history of Punjab, indeed the country, with the introduction of the Indian army into that sacred shrine on June 5 had not closed with its withdrawal. In fact this could not have happened.
The chapter in question did not open with the Union government’s decision to use the army to flush out the heavily armed terrorists and extremists from the Golden Temple. It opened much earlier – with the rise under Bhindranwale’s leadership of terrorism as a political instrument for achieving an independent Sikh state to be known as Khalistan. As such it cannot be said to have closed so long as terrorists continue, as they do, to stalk the state and the demand for Khalistan continues to be voiced.
Enforcing Law
But some gains have clearly been made as a result of the army action. First, it has been demonstrated that no part of Indian territory, however sacred to a particular community, is in the final analysis beyond the reach of law and that if driven into a corner, the Indian state will defend, however reluctantly, its right to enforce the law. It should never have been necessary to establish that the Indian state possesses this essential attribute of a modern state. But it had been made necessary by a fortuitous combination of circumstances.
Secondly, Bhindranwale and his close associates are dead and, to the best of our knowledge, no other “leader” has emerged at least so far to take his place. This cannot but weaken the terrorist movement in the long run unless, of course, a new leader arises and/or the authorities thoroughly mishandle the situation as they did in the past.
It is widely argued that these gains have already been more than offset by the intensely adverse reaction of the ordinary Sikh to the use of the army in the temple and the unavoidable damage to the Akal Takht in “Operation Blue star”. The reaction is a fact and it can annul the first advantage if the impression is allowed to prevail – it has begun to spread for reasons better not spelt out – that in its anxiety to restore normalcy in Punjab the Union government will go to any lengths to appease the communalist elements among the Sikhs. Appeasement, as history shows, feeds lawlessness and extremism as much as alienation, if not more.
It is a pity that many of those in charge of the country’s destiny either as decision makers or as opinion shapers have such a poor understanding of history that they do not appreciate its most obvious lesson that a show of weakness does not pay. As it happens, this lack of knowledge of history fits in remarkably with the Indian elites’ deeply-embedded distaste for conflict and firmness, however important the principle or objective at stake. In fact by and large it considers no principle or objective worth too much trouble.
Mrs Gandhi is one of the rare exceptions among our politicians. She recognises that some conflicts just do not admit of quick and easy solutions and is prepared to live with them as best she can. But even when the danger is obvious, she waits and waits till she is left with no choice but to act as in the case of the Golden Temple. This inevitably involves the use of far greater force than would have sufficed at an earlier stage. This too ill serves the interests of the Indian state.
A lot has been written about Bhindranwale in recent months and it is neither possible nor necessary for us to go over that ground all over again. Even so, it would be useful to make a couple of points about him and his activities.
First, judging by developments since his death on June 6, it would appear that he had not shaped his killer squads into a guerilla force. We do not know whether he tried and failed, or whether he was not made and inclined that way. But we can be reasonably certain that the terrorists operating in Punjab have not constituted and do not now constitute a guerilla force. It follows that if Pakistan has in fact been involved in training them, as the Indian authorities have often alleged, its efforts have been of a rather limited nature. Thus given the necessary intelligence and will, on the part of both the political leadership and the police force on the ground, it should be possible to dispose of this problem in course of time.
Secondly, Bhindranwale became the menace he did in a particular context. The Akali agitation was one important helpful factor for him and ineptness and weakness on the part of those in authority at the Centre and in the state another.
They had so frightened themselves that they were just not willing to act with the necessary firmness and they did not demonstrate the courage whether to clinch the negotiations with the Akalis or call them off. It is difficult to be sure whether the Akali leaders were frightened of Bhindranwale or whether they found his brooding presence and activities useful in their efforts to force the government to yield to their demands. Either way, they dragged on the movement and stepped up their demands to Bhindranwale’s advantage.
Covert Activities
A great deal has been said by, among others, the Prime Minister about external inspiration behind, and support for, Bhindranwale and his gang. We are in no position to vouch for the accuracy or otherwise of the charge insofar as it relates to the activities of covert foreign agencies. But all that has happened in Punjab in the past two years and more can be explained essentially in terms of domestic factors. A number of Sikhs settled abroad have, of course, been highly active in the campaign for Khalistan. In fact, they can be said to have fathered it in its latest incarnation. But their role still appears peripheral and so does of that of foreign agencies Mrs Gandhi has been alluding to without naming them.
If this assessment is not too wide of the mark, the conclusion would be obvious. If the Akalis resume the agitation and if the government shows the same lack of resoluteness, we shall once again be faced with a situation in which terrorism can prosper. The kind of youth such as those who took over the Golden Temple on Monday cannot create the necessary conditions by themselves. A new Bhindranwale is also unlikely to arise next time. The illiterate village priest, at once wily and fanatical perhaps with a touch of madness which his eyes conveyed, represented essentially an age which is gone by.
A successor to him, if there is one, is likely to be a modern figure; he will in all probability bear closer resemblance to Phizo and Laldenga than to Bhindranwale and recruit his force not from among anti-social elements as Bhindranwale did but from among the kind of youth who have joined the ranks of the Naxalites. And if such a figure does arise, Pakistan will have acquired the capacity to play havoc with our unity and security.
In a situation of such grave danger and complexity, it is almost impossible for weak minds to resist the temptation to propose one-sided solutions or to lapse into despair. It is a cliché to say that we must resist all these temptations and confront issues calmly and courageously. Most of us cannot do so because as a people we are not trained to think logically and we have no idea of what it takes to build a nation. We shall be lucky if some of those at the helm of affairs are found to possess the necessary nerve, insight and skill.
The country shall need a lot of these qualities in high places in coming months. Too many strange characters are floating in and around the corridors of power for comfort. Some of them are busy ever selling the absurd proposition that the situation in Punjab is now normal enough to justify a restoration of “popular rule”. They are not necessarily wicked men out to feather their own nests. But they are certainly misguided if they genuinely believe that they and their ilk can handle Punjab. They should be told to stay quiet since there is not much they can do by way of launching a sustained political campaign which can effectively counter the Akali, the SGPC and the extremist propaganda. Indeed, the very concept of a mass contact programme should be suspect in view of our past experience of similar efforts among the Muslims in the thirties. Mr Nehru fell for a slogan which comes naturally to communists. Mrs Gandhi is not inclined that way and has no good reason to wish to repeat his mistake.
It has become fashionable in our country to say that the kind of problems we face in Punjab cannot be handled administratively and that they have to be handled politically. This proposition assumes a dichotomy between administration and politics which in fact does not exist. The Bhindranwale phenomenon arose in Punjab precisely because the administration, especially the police force, was unwilling to deal effectively with him. And once it had arisen, the problems arising out of the Akali agitation could not have been handled politically. Bhindranwale is now dead but terrorism and extremism survive and so long as they are not put down with a firm hand, an agreement with the Akalis which is not inconsistent with the long-term requirements of Indian nationalism is likely to remain out of reach.
Main Truth
The Akalis can be depended upon to take on the secessionists and the terrorists only and when they are convinced that it is a necessary condition for their enjoyment of the fruits of office. The truth, doubtless extremely unpleasant, has to be faced that ambivalence is built into a party like the Akali Dal and that this ambivalence can be resolved in favour of the Indian nation only if the Indian state demonstrates the capacity to fulfil its obligations. To put it differently, the cooperation of the Akalis is necessary for the restoration of normalcy in Punjab but this cooperation will either not be available or will not be dependable so long as the Indian state is not able to convince them that it can, if it is driven to it, do without this cooperation and pay the additional cost, however heavy.
The Times of India, 3 October 1984